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THE PRINCE, MACHIAVELLI'S ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE

The Prince, Machiavelli's Economy of Violence
Machiavelli was an Italian historian, statesman, and political philosopher, whose amoral,
but influential writings on power building have turned his name into a synonym for
cunning and duplicity. I personally feel he is a genius.
Niccolo Machiavelli was born on May 3, 1469, in Florence, Italy. He eventually became a
man who lived his life for politics and patriotism. Right now, however, he is associated
with corrupt, totalitarian government. The reason for this is a small pamphlet he wrote
called The Prince to gain influence with the ruling Medici family in Florence. The
political genius of Niccolo Machiavelli was overshadowed by the reputation that was
unfairly given to him because of a misunderstanding of his views on politics. 
Machiavelli's life was very interesting. He lived a nondescript childhood in Florence,
and his main political experience in his youth was watching Savanarola from afar. Soon
after Savanarola was executed, Machiavelli entered the Florentine government as a
secretary. His position quickly rose, however, and was soon engaging in diplomatic
missions. He met many of the important politicians of the day, such as the Pope and the
King of France, but none had more impact on him than a prince of the Papal States, Cesare
Borgia. Borgia was a cunning, cruel man, very much like the one portrayed in The Prince.
Machiavelli did not truly like Borgia's policies, but he thought that with a ruler like
Borgia the Florentines could unite Italy, which was Machiavelli's goal throughout his
life. Unfortunately for Machiavelli, he was dismissed from office when the Medici came to
rule Florence and the Republic was overthrown. The lack of a job forced him to switch to
writing about politics instead of being active. His diplomatic missions were his last
official government positions.
When Machiavelli lost his office, he desperately wanted to return to politics. He tried
to gain the favor of the Medici by writing an essay of what he thought were the Medici's
goals and dedicating it to them. And so The Prince was written for that purpose.
Unfortunately, the Medici didn't agree with what the book said, so he was out of a job.
But when the public saw the book, they were outraged. The people wondered how cruel a man
could be to think evil thoughts like the ones in The Prince, and this would come back to
haunt him when he was alive and dead. However, if the people wanted to know what
Machiavelli really stood for, they should have read his "Discourses on Livy," which
explain his full political philosophy. But not enough people had and have, and so the
legacy of The Prince continues to define Machiavelli to the general public.
A few years later the Medici were kicked out of Florence. The republic was
re-established, and Machiavelli ran to retake the office he had left so many years ago.
But the reputation that The Prince had established made people think his philosophy was
like the Medici, so he was not elected. And here the sharp downhill of his life began.
His health began to fail him, and he died months later, in 1527. 
Machiavelli had been unfairly attacked all of his life because of a bad reputation. But
it only got worse after he died. He was continually blasted for his support of corrupt
ruling. In fact, Machiavellian now means corrupt government. Only recently has his true
personality come to light. The world must change it's vision of the cold, uncaring
Machiavelli to the correct view of a patriot and a political genius. 
Throughout his career Machiavelli sought to establish a state capable of resisting
foreign attack. His writings are concerned with the principles on which such a state is
founded, and with the means by which they can be implemented and maintained. In, The
Prince he describes the method by which a prince can acquire and maintain political
power. This study, which has often been regarded as a defense of the despotism and
tyranny of such rulers as Cesare Borgia, is based on Machiavelli's belief that a ruler is
not bound by traditional ethical norms. In his view, a prince should be concerned only
with power and be bound only by rules that would lead to success in political actions.
Machiavelli believed that these rules could be discovered by deduction from the political
practices of the time, as well as from those of earlier periods. 
Machiavelli first states that power is the dominant mark of the state, and the politician
is an actor which, "must be a skillful pretender and dissembler, he must seem to have the
virtues of good faith, charity, humanity and religion." Secondly, that the use of
violence must be like a controlled science, "being able to administer the precise dosage
appropriate to specific situations," and that the republican systems is the most ideal in
its use of violence. Thirdly, Machiavelli emphasizes the importance of virtu in power.
Machiavelli states that "the hard core of power is violence and to exercise power is
often to bring violence to bear on someone else's person or possessions," assuming that
"Machiavelli believed that the vitalities of politics could not be controlled and
directed without the application and the threat of at least violence." This is true, but
incomplete because when following the teachings of The Prince; the core of power
maintenance is the masquerade. How should the Prince act in particular situations; should
the Prince punish his subjects, should the Prince reward his subjects, should the Prince
attack his enemies, should the Prince utilize diplomacy, etc. The hard core of power is
really what "masque" the ruler utilizes at a certain time, be it the mask of a good man
or a bad man. 
"The control of violence is dependent upon the new science's being able to administer the
precise dosage appropriate to specific situations." Every application of violence must be
considered very carefully, "because the indiscriminate exercise of force and the constant
revival of fear could provoke the greatest of all political dangers for any government,
the widespread kind of apprehension and hatred which drives men to desperation."
Machiavelli's economical violence is necessary because the use of repeated violence
causes hatred. Hatred is counter productive to the political actor because it causes the
people to experience a loss of self for vengeance. A "prince should try to avoid anything
which makes him hateful or contemptible, when he has avoided actions that will have this
effect, he has done his best and will run no risks." "A prince's best protection lies in
not being hated or despised, and keeping himself in popular favor." 
Machiavelli's concept that "popular consent represents a form of social power which, if
properly exploited, reduces the amount of violence directed at society as a whole." So
therefore the political system, whose violence is most economical, is the republican
system. The reason for the "superiority of the republican system consisted in its being
maintained by the force of the populace, rather than force over the populace." 
"Machiavelli is posed by the word virtu, which can mean anything from strength, ability,
courage, manliness, or ingenuity to character and wisdom." Virtu is a statement of
modernity, a person with virtu is one who accumulates power and maintains their position.
The Prince is really a model to be followed by individuals who seek to be successful in
today's competitive society. After reading The Prince, I feel that "virtu" is a way of
living, which must be followed by those seeking power.
Bibliography
Machiavelli, Niccolo, Microsoft? Encarta? 97 Encyclopedia. ? 1993-1996 Microsoft
Corporation. All rights reserved.
Sheldon S. Wolin, Interpretation of Machiavelli's The Prince. Pg. 175
Sheldon S. Wolin, Interpretation of Machiavelli's The Prince. Pg. 170
Sheldon S. Wolin, Interpretation of Machiavelli's The Prince. Pg. 169
Sheldon S. Wolin, Interpretation of Machiavelli's The Prince. Pg. 170
The Prince, On Avoiding Contempt and Hatred. XIX
Sheldon S. Wolin, Interpretation of Machiavelli's The Prince. Pg. 172
Discourses I, 9.
The Prince, Translators note XVIII


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