FREE ESSAY ON WATERGATE 1972

WATERGATE 1972

Watergate was the name of the biggest political scandal in United States history. It
included various illegal activities designed to help President Richard M. Nixon win
reelection in 1972. Watergate resulted in Nixon's resignation from the presidency in
1974. 
Watergate differed from most previous political scandals because personal greed
apparently did not play an important role. Instead, Watergate represented an attack on
one of the chief features of a democracy--free and open elections. 
The Watergate activities included burglary, wiretapping, violations of campaign financing
laws, and sabotage and the attempted use of government agencies to harm political
opponents. The scandal also involved a cover-up of many of those actions. About 40 people
were charged with crimes in the scandal and with related crimes. Most of these people
were convicted by juries or pleaded guilty. 
Watergate involved more high-level government officials than any previous political
scandal. It led to the conviction on criminal charges in 1975 of former Attorney General
John N. Mitchell and two of Nixon's top aides, John D. Ehrlichman and H. R. Haldeman.
Also in 1975, former Secretary of Commerce Maurice H. Stans, a leader of Nixon's
reelection campaign, pleaded guilty to Watergate criminal charges and was fined $5,000.
Watergate also had resulted in the resignation of Attorney General Richard G. Kleindienst
in 1973. 
The break-in and cover-up. The scandal took its name from the Watergate complex of
apartment and office buildings in Washington, D.C. On June 17, 1972, police arrested five
men for breaking into the Democratic Party's national headquarters there. One of the
burglars was James W. McCord, Jr., the security coordinator of the Committee for the
Re-election of the President (CRP). The five men--along with G. Gordon Liddy, another CRP
aide; and E. Howard Hunt, Jr., a White House consultant--were indicted for a number of
crimes, including burglary and wiretapping. In January 1973, five of the seven, including
Hunt, pleaded guilty. The other two--Liddy and McCord--were found guilty by a jury. 
Nixon's press secretary had said repeatedly that the scandal involved no member of the
White House staff. But the press found evidence that White House aides had helped finance
sabotage and spying operations against candidates for the 1972 Democratic presidential
nomination. Reporters Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward of The Washington Post led the
investigation. 
Early in 1973, evidence was uncovered that tied several top White House aides to plans
for the Watergate break-in or to concealment of evidence that implicated members of the
Nixon Administration. The evidence indicated that White House officials had tried to
involve the Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the
cover-up. These officials falsely claimed that national security was involved. 
On April 30, 1973, Nixon stated that he had no part in either planning the Watergate
break-in or covering it up. He promised that the Department of Justice would appoint a
special prosecutor to handle the case. In May, Archibald Cox, a Harvard Law School
professor, was named to that position. Also in May, the Senate Select Committee on
Presidential Campaign Activities began hearings on Watergate. Senator Sam J. Ervin, Jr.,
of North Carolina headed the committee. Former Presidential Counsel John W. Dean III
became the chief witness against Nixon in the hearings. Dean admitted that he had played
a major role in a White House cover-up and charged that Nixon knew of his activities.
Dean also revealed Administration plans to use the Internal Revenue Service and other
government agencies to punish opponents whom the White House had placed on so-called
enemies lists. Dean was later sentenced to a prison term of 1 to 4 years. After serving
four months, his sentence was reduced to that time and he was released. 
The tape controversy. In July, the Senate committee learned that Nixon had secretly made
tape recordings of conversations in his White House offices since 1971. The committee and
Cox believed the tapes could answer key questions raised in their investigations. They
asked Nixon to supply them with certain tapes, but he refused to do so. Nixon argued
that, as President, he had a constitutional right to keep the tapes confidential. In
August, Cox and the committee sued Nixon to obtain the tapes. U.S. District Court Judge
John J. Sirica decided to review the tapes himself and ordered Nixon to give them to him.
Nixon appealed the order, but a U.S. court of appeals supported Sirica. 
In October, Nixon offered to provide summaries of the tapes. But Cox declared that
summaries would be unacceptable as evidence in court and rejected the offer. Nixon
ordered Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson to fire Cox, but Richardson refused to do
so and resigned. Deputy Attorney General William D. Ruckelshaus also resigned after being
ordered to dismiss Cox. Nixon then named Solicitor General Robert H. Bork acting attorney
general, and Bork fired Cox. Leon Jaworski, a noted Texas attorney, later succeeded Cox.

The President's actions angered many Americans. In October, a number of members of the
House of Representatives began steps to impeach him. Later in 1973, Nixon agreed to
supply the tapes to Sirica. Then it was discovered that three key conversations were
missing. The White House said that the tape-recording system failed to work properly
during two of the talks and that the third had been accidentally erased. 
In April 1974, Jaworski served Nixon with a subpoena (legal order) to furnish tape
recordings and documents relating to 64 White House conversations. Jaworski said the
materials contained evidence in the cover-up case. At the end of April, Nixon released
1,254 pages of edited transcripts of White House conversations. He said they told the
full Watergate story. 
Jaworski, however, insisted on receiving the original tapes and documents that he had
requested. Nixon again claimed he had a constitutional right to protect confidential
documents. Jaworski then sued the President in federal court. In July, the Supreme Court
of the United States ordered Nixon to give Jaworski the materials. The Supreme Court
ruled unanimously that a President cannot withhold evidence in a criminal case. 
The cover-up trial. In March 1974, seven former officials of Nixon's Administration or
his 1972 reelection committee were indicted on charges of conspiracy in covering up the
Watergate break-in. Among them were Domestic Council Chief Ehrlichman, White House Chief
of Staff Haldeman, and Attorney General Mitchell. 
The trial lasted from October 1974 to January 1975. Ehrlichman, Haldeman, and Mitchell
were each convicted of conspiracy, obstruction of justice, and perjury, and sentenced to
a prison term of from 21/2 to 8 years. The sentences were later reduced to 1 to 4 years.

The resignation of Nixon. The President suffered another major setback in July 1974, when
the House Judiciary Committee recommended that he be impeached. The committee adopted
three articles of impeachment for consideration by the full House of Representatives. The
first article accused Nixon of obstructing justice in the scandal. The other two articles
accused him of abusing presidential powers and illegally withholding evidence from the
judiciary committee. 
Nixon's chief defenders continued to argue that the President had committed no
impeachable offense. But on August 5, Nixon released additional transcripts of taped
White House conversations. The transcripts convinced most Americans that Nixon had
authorized the Watergate cover-up at least as early as June 23, 1972--six days after the
break-in. Nixon immediately lost almost all his remaining support in Congress. He
resigned on August 9, and Vice President Gerald R. Ford took office as President that
day. On September 8, Ford pardoned Nixon for all federal crimes that Nixon might have
committed while serving as President. 
Other effects of Watergate. In 1974, Congress approved reforms in the financing of
federal election campaigns. Some reforms limit the amount of money contributors may give
to candidates for President, Vice President, and Congress. Other financial reforms
require detailed reporting of both contributions and expenses. Many state legislatures
limited contributions and spending in state election campaigns and adopted codes of
ethics for all government employees.